The noted bridge designer John
Roebling introduced his wire-rope suspension
concept in Pittsburgh on a
wooden aqueduct. His design was later
implemented in bridges in Pittsburgh
and elsewhere, including New York’s
Brooklyn Bridge. This article describes
Roebling’s work based on reviews of his
notes and other historical documents.
INTRODUCTION
John Roebling was arguably America’s
foremost early bridge-building
genius. His first structure using wire-rope
suspension was a wooden aqueduct, built
in 1844–1845, which carried the Pennsylvania
Mainline Canal across the
Allegheny River into downtown Pittsburgh,
the western terminus of the canal.
Philadelphia was the eastern terminus.
Three years earlier Roebling had
developed wire rope of a substantially
different design for the Allegheny Portage
Railroad (APRR), another part of
the canal. He had hand-laid up (i.e.,
twisted) those first ropes near Pittsburgh
on his farm in Saxonburg. By contrast,
the ropes for the aqueduct were laid up
in place by traversing 3,800 individual
parallel wires across the Allegheny River
and bundling the wires into cables.
The ropes for the aqueduct, according
to Roebling’s records, were 1,100 feet
long and were made from 200,000
pounds of #10 “charcoal iron wire”
produced in Pittsburgh. The heavy beams
were almost entirely white pine. It is
important to remember that the structure
was built basically by horse and by hand
without mechanical equipment other
than block and tackle. A significant part
of the cost of the structure included keeping smithing fires burning for 200
days.
ROEBLING’S ARRIVAL AND EARLY YEARS IN THE UNITED STATES |
John Roebling grew up in the context of early nineteenth-century Prussia, in a society in which answers to engineering questions grew out of a disciplined sense of order. There was definitely a right way and a wrong way to approach problems, and a sense of who was allowed to speak up with solutions. Innovation was not encouraged. To innovate, one had to break out of the mold.
Stifled by that mold, Roebling decided to give up public works engineering and emigrate to the United States. There he and some of his family and friends would establish a new community and a new life as farmers.
In 1831, under John’s leadership, a small group of families made their way to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, west of the Appalachian Mountains. John and his brother Carl purchased almost 1,600 acres of uncleared land nearly 25 miles northeast of Pittsburgh and settled what grew into the town of Saxonburg. In 1832, other families joined them and the community grew.
Roebling described the area in letters back to family and friends in Germany as a “rolling plateau with many fine distant views, considerable savannahs, fine meadows alternating with young woodlands and timber forests.” He was trying hard to convince the less venturesome to join them. “In earlier days of Indians and early settlers, great forest fires had destroyed the large dense forest,” he wrote. He said there was “good wood for fences” and encouraged them “above all things to bring an experienced young shepherd, with a pair of shepherd dogs, of which there are none here.”1
A most important aspect of this country, however, was the emotional climate. Roebling said in a letter home that “Every American, even when he is poor and must serve others, feels his innate rights as a man. What a contrast to the oppressed German population.”1
In 1832, Pittsburgh was already known as one of the major manufacturing centers in the United States, with important iron, wool, and cotton works already established. The area was known as the best wood market in America. For the new immigrants, however, it was first things first: clearing the land, building homes, and getting enterprise going, including brick-making. In 1836, John married and in 1837 became a citizen. But he turned out to be no farmer. His heart was not in it. Soon he turned back to engineering and found a job on the Sandy and Beaver Canal, a subunit of the major project in the region, the Pennsylvania Mainline Canal, connecting Philadelphia and Pittsburgh. The Mainline Canal was begun in Philadelphia in 1828 and finished in 1835. Construction actually proceeded from both ends toward the middle.
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A BRIEF HISTORY OF SUSPENSION STRUCTURE DESIGN PRIOR TO ROEBLING
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The history of suspension structures is complex and confusing and strongly influenced by personal and nationalistic biases. John Roebling wrote up his own version of that history in a “Report to the President and Board of Directors of the Covington and Cincinnati Bridge Company,” dated 1867.4 That particular very successful bridge had been started in 1856, but the Panic of 1857 and the Civil War stopped construction for eight years. Construction resumed in 1865, six months after the war was over, and was completed in 1866. The bridge is still in full operation although its deck has been renovated for automobile traffic. As an illustration of its quality, after the flood of 1937 it was the only bridge remaining open between Steubenville, Ohio, and Cairo, Illinois, a distance of about 1,000 river miles.
Roebling freely acknowledged the prior construction of both chain and wire cable bridges in Europe. All of these were for foot or vehicular traffic, none for transporting freight by water. According to Roebling, most of these were relatively light and were damaged by storms. The bridge at Freibourg in Switzerland was 870 feet long and lasted for some years, but according to Roebling was deficient in both strength and stiffness. Between 1830 and 1840, dozens of wire-cable suspension bridges were built in France, and others in Germany, Poland, England, and other European countries. Other suspension bridges were built during this time using chains.5
Roebling’s main claim was that the Allegheny Aqueduct introduced quite different principles (as discussed in this paper) in both the cable making and in the fundamental bridge design. The point was to make the structure capable of sustaining not only vertical but lateral loads. Stiffness was a vital issue. The French system suspended the bridge floor by a number of light cables. Roebling used only two relatively massive ones, assisted by a network of stays and suspenders. Under the complex stresses of a storm, the larger cables acted as full-strength units, whereas experience had shown that the smaller cables in the earlier designs had failed sequentially, one by one. This is what happened to a suspension bridge in Wheeling, West Virginia, which blew down in 1854; it had been supported by six smaller cables on each side.4
The first cable suspension bridge in the United States was built by Roebling’s rival, Charles Ellet, Jr., in Fairmount, Pennsylvania, over the Schuylkill River in 1842. The French system was used whereby the cables were constructed on land, then dragged to the site and elevated into position. But Roebling contended that in this process the wires in the cable got dislocated and bulged out, assuring that the stresses on the cable would not be equally distributed under load.4 This bridge, however, remained in service until 1875. In contrast, all of Roebling’s bridges used cables “spun in place” or spun in the spatial distribution in which they were to be used and kept under tension until final installation was complete, assuring that the individual wires would share the load equally. Roebling was very sure of the correctness of his principles and the performance of his structures bears him out well. |
ENGINEERING PITTSBURGH IN THE 1840s
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So what was the state of engineering in Pittsburgh when Roebling signed the contract for the aqueduct?
The town had less than 5,000 residents in 1815, the first year the citizenry’s occupations were documented. Of them, a remarkable percentage was involved in engineering-related businesses.8–10 For example, Robert Fulton’s second steam boat had been built in the city in 1811. In the years following the building of Fulton’s New Orleans, the Pittsburgh Steam Engine Company had become a significant feature of the local mechanical landscape. Associated with this firm one could order anchors and anvils, brass bells and machinery. There was a pattern-maker’s shop and a boring and turning shop. Screws made locally were available.
So community preparation for his debut suspension structure had unknowingly begun years before Roebling needed it. In 1794, the Irwin Rope Walk was operating in Pittsburgh; it moved to Western Avenue in 1813 in Allegheny Town, on the north side of the Allegheny River. The company made everything from wrapping twine to the largest ships cables, with 14 men working there. There was another rope walk in nearby East Liberty. By 1829 there were two rolling mills, the Pennsylvania and the Juniata. There were engine builders and wagon makers; one could buy iron rods and nails easily. R. Townsend was making iron wire nearby in New Brighton; he ultimately supplied Roebling with half of the wire for his ropes. According to the records, William Eichbaum, Sen. (sic) ran a second wire-making operation; he had started this business in 1810.8–10 |
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WHY AN AQUEDUCT IN PITTSBURGH?
While the canal route came down
the north shore of the Allegheny River
toward Pittsburgh, the big money interests
in Pittsburgh wanted the western
canal terminus to be downtown, on their
side of the river. Thus, the canal had
to cross the Allegheny by aqueduct. A
wooden structure on seven stone piers
had served this function from 1835 to
1844. During the winter of 1844 an ice
jam wiped out the structure. Replacing
the aqueduct quickly was a high priority
for the city because the canal was bringing
thousands of tons of freight into the
city. At its peak use and during the ice-free
season, a canal boat passed a given
spot on the canal every 20 minutes.
The Canal Commission in Harrisburg
left the execution of the job to the city.
Early in 1844, the state legislature passed
a bill authorizing the mayor, aldermen,
and people of the City of “Pittsburg” (sic)
to rebuild or repair the aqueduct at their
own expense, and then to exact whatever
tolls they needed to pay for it. When the
construction expenses had been fully
recouped, the toll authority would revert
to the Canal Commission.2 Dithering
between Pittsburgh’s Aqueduct Committee,
the Canal Commission, and Roebling
consumed several valuable months
of warm-weather construction time.
Finally, a $62,000 contract was approved
for Roebling, acting as a sole proprietor,
to remove the shattered remains of the
old wooden aqueduct, repair the seven
masonry piers/towers, and build a new
aqueduct using wire-rope suspension,
a radically new concept. Roebling
accepted the responsibility to provide
debris removal, erection equipment,
accounting, ordering, design, project
management, and personal responsibility
for the entire project. There had been at
least one competitive bid for less money
and the loser conducted a fairly vigorous
campaign in the editorial pages of the
Pittsburgh Gazette to have his design
reconsidered. But his efforts did not
succeed.3
On August 12, 1844, Roebling filed
an acceptable 27-page handwritten set
of specifications for the aqueduct with
the Canal Commission, detailing the
design, the materials, and the calculations
on which the design was based. The
calculations are remarkably simple, but
what he created then are still the basic
principles for today’s suspension bridges.
By April of the
next year, the job was done. Even before
that job was complete, Roebling landed
a contract to construct his first highway
suspension bridge over the Monongahela
River less than a mile away, on the site
of the present Smithfield Street Bridge.
This one was also completed in less than
one year. By 1859, Roebling had built
a second suspension bridge on the site
of the present 6th Street Bridge (one
of what are known today as the Three
Sisters bridges).6 In that bridge he used
I-beams instead of wood for the major
structural members.
An 1859 lithograph (Figure 1) is one
of the few views of Pittsburgh that shows
it with all three Roebling structures
spanning its rivers at the same time.
Interestingly, the Roebling Smithfield
Street Bridge was replaced about 38
years later by the present iron double-lenticular
truss structure, designed by
Gustav Lindental, who went on to also design the Queensboro Bridge in New
York. That bridge is within sight of
Roebling’s Brooklyn Bridge. Both are
still in use today. Thus, Pittsburgh was
the proving ground for two of America’s
greatest bridge builders.
WHY ROPES? WHY WIRE ROPES?
Pittsburgh at that time was a major
center of boat building, the boats being
used for descending the Ohio to the
Mississippi and beyond in the westward
expansion of the young country. Ropes
were a big feature of outfitting the boats
and in Pittsburgh there were at least three
rope walks—long, open areas in which
the labor-intensive mechanical process of
laying up the hemp fibers was carried out.
The hemp was originally imported from
the Philippines or Russia, but increasingly
was grown in nearby Kentucky.
During the first years of the operation
of the Mainline Canal, hemp ropes were
used to haul the boats along the route of
the canal. They were the only material
available. When the canal reached the
Allegheny Mountains, a unique engineering
solution had been proposed
for traversing this major topographical
obstacle. The boats were removed from
the canal; each boat was split into two
sections and pulled across the mountains
on special railroad cars which rode up
and down a series of inclined planes.
This was the APRR section of the canal,
and Roebling had soon found his way to
this interesting engineering challenge.
(Today at the center of the route of the
APRR, along U.S. Route 22 near the town
of Cresson, Pennsylvania, there is a U.S.
National Park Service site preserving
the history of this part of the canal.) The
canal boats were drawn up the mountains
by stationary steam engines, then
moved horizontally along the plateau
by mules, then lowered down a second
set of inclined planes on the other side.
On one unfortunate day, Roebling saw
two men die when one of the massive
hemp haul ropes broke and the car got
away. He reasoned that there were better
materials solutions, and that reasoning
stimulated Roebling’s plans to make iron
wire ropes.
In 1841, Roebling wrote up a patent
application for his rope-making process,
titled “A New and Improved Mode of
Manufacturing Wire Ropes.”7 He had
used wire ropes that he had made at
his farm in Saxonburg on the Portage
Railway and had also begun to sell ropes
elsewhere. But there is a great deal more
to an aqueduct than just wire ropes.
Two questions present themselves:
first, a general one: How does a genius
such as Roebling translate his idea into
reality? And more locally, what was the
cultural milieu in Pittsburgh for performing
this sort of major engineering feat?
What did Roebling have to work with as
he went from concept to finished job?
That is, while the availability of iron
wire is the first question, what about all
the other components Roebling would
need in order to do the job when he got
the contract to build the structure in this
post-frontier 1844 town? This includes
not only materials, but skills to help
fashion the materials into the finished
structure. Specifically, was it possible for
Roebling to get wire of the proper quality
in a timely fashion?
Consider the flow of history up to that
point: Roebling’s work was conceived
only about 80 years after the French
and Indian War opened in Pittsburgh.
Construction of Fort Pitt, a major piece
in that war, had begun in 1758. Between
then and 1840 the city grew from just a
few dozen to more than 40,000 people
(Figure 2). Civilization had a firm foothold
in Pittsburgh, but it had not been
so long since life had been much more
tenuous.
THE WIRE-ROPE DESIGN CONTROVERSY
A good deal of confusion has surrounded
the specifics of the wire rope
Roebling made for use in his aqueduct.
Wire rope of strength equal to that of
hemp is lighter, smaller gauge, and much
more durable, lasting years as opposed
to one or two seasons exposed to the
elements. The individual wires can be
coated with a varnish on manufacturing
and then the whole rope oiled once or
twice a season to minimize oxidation. An interesting consequence of its smaller
cross section is its lesser wind resistance,
an important feature in a sailing vessel.
It is also much more elastic than hemp,
meaning that it withstands a sudden
strong load without snapping.
In 1839, when Roebling first began
solving the problem of making wire rope
from iron wire for the APRR (Figure 3),
he was intending to use it for a running
line, that is, one that would be in motion,
as opposed to a standing line such as the
stays on a sailing vessel that hold the
masts in place. Thus, his first rope had
to be not only strong but flexible, able
to pass around a sheave or pulley. It had
to be able to bend but not “take a set.”
The individual wires and the collected
group of wires therefore had to have very
particular material properties. Roebling
developed and patented11 in 1842 a
method for the “spiral laying of the wires
around a common axis without twisting
the individual wires” while also having
them each “under a uniform and forcible
tension under all circumstances.”
In other words, they would each bear
a common share of the load on the rope.
They would be “in contact with one
another over the entire length of the rope,
thus to a great degree excluding air and
water, preventing corrosion.”11
Only a few years after the Pittsburgh
“aquaduct” (as Roebling spelled it)
was built, he wrote up specifications
for a structure on the Delaware and
Hudson Canal that he said was “in all
parts similar to those of the Pittsburgh
Aquaduct.” This canal was intended to
carry anthracite coal to New York City.
The Delaware aqueduct is still standing,
although it is now used for automobile
traffic. Roebling specified that “none but
the best Charcoal iron wire is to be used
for the cables. . . . Each strand of the
cable (was to) be well varnished before it
goes into the cable and the latter as well
as the wrapping to be well painted.” The
cable would be 8.5 inches in diameter
including wrapping.12
Roebling’s first U.S. patent in this area,
#2720 mentioned previously, is titled
“Method of and Machine for Manufacturing
Wire Rope,” dated 1842.11 One
would think the patent claims would
completely answer any questions about
this subject, but they do not. His 1847
patent, #4745 titled “Apparatus for
Passing Suspension-Wires for Bridges
across Rivers”13 includes the claim that
“The above mode of traversing wires,
has in its main features been successfully
applied in the formation of the cables of
the suspension aqueduct in Pittsburgh,
constructed by me.” And these two
patents seem to be contradictory in the
design and construction of the rope itself.
The issue is whether the cables for the
aqueduct consist of twisted or parallel
wires, individual wires, or multi-wire
strands. His own writings on this subject
use several terms that need definitions:
- Skein or wire: A skein is a short
piece of wire. The skeins are
spliced together to make very
long wires. The specific manner
of splicing at the time of the
aqueduct is unclear.
- Strands: Multi-wire ropes. In
the 1842 patent, great stress was
placed on the manner of achieving
equal tensile stress in each wire
within a strand and of laying up
the strand without applying torque
stress to the individual wires in
the process. Thus, in 1842 there
is no question that twisted wires
were the norm. The drawing in
this patent shows a twisted strand
being wrapped by the machine
Roebling was patenting. The
wrapping was done with a single
wire wrapped tightly around the
twisted strand. The rope is greased
while it is being wrapped.
- Cable: In the 1847 patent
describing how to get the wires
across the river, the method said
to have been used in Pittsburgh,
a single endless wire (“composed
of a great many skeins, spliced”)
is passed across the river as an
individual wire, back and forth
from reels on either side and
anchored at each end by passing
around a cast-iron “segment.”
In this description there is no
mention of twisting or of strands.
These individual wires were
gathered into a “wire cable,” but
that process is not described in detail in the patent. By contrast,
in Roebling’s description of the
Delaware and Hudson (D&H)
Aqueduct in eastern Pennsylvania
cables, he details the number of
wires in each of seven strands.7
In a long letter written in 1926 by
Washington A. Roebling, John’s illustrious
son, who executed his father’s
plans for the Brooklyn Bridge after his
father’s death from lockjaw, Washington
Roebling recalls “The Early History of
Saxonburg,” the town his father founded.
The younger Roebling describes the
manufacture of wire rope in a rope walk
set up near their family home. He tells
briefly of neighbor men hired to work in
the rope walk, the joining of individual
short wires into longer ones, the laying
up of strands of wires, and the final
laying up of a completed rope from those
strands. However, these ropes were used
in projects other than the aqueduct, for
which the cable was spun on site. He
gives no details of rope design.14
In an unpublished manuscript, including
a cover letter to the U.S. Commissioner
of Patents, Henry L. Ellsworth,
Esq., dated March 27(?)1841, Roebling
describes his invention as consisting of “any number of wires laid parallel to
each other, so that they form a round
cylinder, and occupy the same positions
respectively for the whole length; . . .
Wire ropes manufactured in the above
manner, will likewise be superior to
twisted wires ropes for all purposes
which do not require short chord bendings
over small wheels or pulleys. All the
wires being placed parallel to each other,
uniformly strained (sic) throughout and
not twisted, the greatest strength will be
obtained by the least quantity of material.”15
A source of more contemporaneous
information on this subject is Roebling’s
own unpublished “Notes on Suspension
Bridges.” In these he speaks of his design
for the D&H aqueduct as being “in all
parts similar to those of the Pittsburgh
Aquaduct (sic).”16 In the D&H, he used
seven strands to form the cable, each
strand including from 270 to 325 individual
wires. The cables were “spun in
place without support,” apparently using
the method described in the 1847 patent.
Following the completion of the cables,
the timber cross frames were hoisted into
place from barges in the river below and
the remaining suspended structure laid
down. Again, Roebling does not mention
twisting the wires to form the strands or
the strands to form the cable.16
In the November 1845 issue of the
Journal of the Franklin Institute, published
just a few months after the aqueduct
was completed, Roebling reports
that for the Allegheny Aqueduct the
cables were composed of 1,900 1/8th-inch
individual parallel wires, each
1,175 feet long, compacted into 7-inch
cables. “Great care has been taken to
assure equal tension of the wires,” he
wrote. “Oxidation is guarded against by
a varnish applied to each wire separately,
their preservation, however, is insured for
certain by a close, compact and continuous
wrapping, made of annealed wire and
laid on by machinery in the most perfect
manner. . . . for the first time successfully
applied.” The oxidation-protection process
described here undoubtedly refers
to using the cable-wrapping device he
patented in 1842, and as mentioned previously,
that patent shows twisted cable.
Roebling does not mention strands in this
article. But the words of the text confirm
that the aqueduct was made from parallel
wire cables, a “standing” application.17
Finally, to close this issue, Roebling’s
article in the American Railroad Journal
and Mechanics’ Magazine (November
1843) gives a clue to which type of
rope was used in the aqueduct when he distinguishes between ropes to be used
for “running” or “standing” purposes,
to use the nautical terminology. Wire
cables for standing applications (such
as in a suspension structure) could be
manufactured by laying up parallel
wires as they did not need to have any
substantial flexibility. On the APRR
inclined planes, fundamentally a running
application, flexibility had been vital and
thus a twisted construction would have
been important.18
Roebling states that “wire rope can
be spliced in the same manner as hemp
rope”18 speaking of the manufacturing
process for twisted rope. Splicing in
hemp ropes involves opening up the twist
on the running ends of the two rope segments
to be attached to one another and
interweaving the strands of both ropes
over a short distance on each rope. This
process makes a small bulge in the area of
the joint. The strength of the splice comes
from the squeezing down of the strands
onto one another as the force is applied
pulling on the joint, much like the old
Chinese finger-trap that becomes tighter
and tighter as you pull to get out of it.
The problem is that twisted ropes are not
used for suspension cables on Roebling
bridges. What has to be learned is how
to make a single wire “endless,” since
they are the basis for making “parallel
wire” suspension cables.
The only reference thus far found
considering this issue in detail is the
unpublished patent application of 1841
for the “new and improved method of
manufacturing of wire rope,” handwritten
by Roebling. Here he says: “The
joining of wire strands, (sic) can be
accomplished by annealing from 3 to
6 inches of the ends and twisting them
around each other in a spiral manner,
while held in a vice, (sic) and then squeezing
the joint straight and round. Or the
wire ends may be flattened, roughened
and united by wrapping fine annealed
wire around. Or they may be connected
by simply forming loops or tying knots.
The first described joint answers the
purpose very well.”15
The first method, which sounds like
a way to make a crude pressure weld,
may provide one of the reasons for the
200 days of smithing fires that had to be
maintained during the bridge construction.
The smiths were perhaps responsible
for creating the endless wires.
Some further clues to the way the wire
was used for making the cables come in
a list of the men involved in the job. This
list comes from one of the many small
notebooks in the Roebling Collection
at Rennselaer Polytechnic Institute:19 16 men splicing, two men
filing, two breakmen, four shoemen
for Pittsburgh side, three shoemen on
Allegheny side, two regulators on center
pier, four to lift wires on #1 and #3 piers,
one driver, and one foreman. The first
three categories of men may have been
the “splicing crew.” The function of the
“breakmen” is unknown. The shoemen
were perhaps involved in attaching the
wires to the anchorages.
This makes a total of 35 men for “running
out” the wire for the cable. Roebling
notes that it took 4–4.5 days to make a
strand, or about two months to make the
cables for the aqueduct, assuming seven
strands per cable as per the reference on
the Lackawaksen aqueduct.7
An interesting omission in the 1847
patent on traversing wires across rivers13
is that no mention is made of the process
of setting up the endless wire rope from
which the whole cable-spinning device is
suspended. It appears to be assumed that
anyone could do that just using common
sense. This patented device actually
appears to be a glorified “breeches buoy,”
the age-old means of transferring people
or goods from ship to shore or to another
ship at sea. This is set up by launching a
light throw-line from one ship to another, attaching the throw-line to a heavier line
capable of carrying whatever the load
will be, making that heavier line fast
between the two ships, and then sliding
back and forth, perhaps on some form
of trolley. Presumably in the instance
of the Allegheny Aqueduct, someone
simply ferried a light line across first, then
followed that with heavier lines, finally
spinning the cables from individual wires
towed back and forth from side to side
by horsepower, following Roebling’s
patented method.
DESIGN OF THE AQUEDUCT ANCHORAGES
The process of anchoring of the
cables was unique and complex. For
comparison, consider the Three Sisters
bridges in Pittsburgh (Figure 4). These
much-admired features of today’s
downtown Pittsburgh riverscape were
built in 1927–1928 immediately adjacent
to the former site of the aqueduct.
These bridges are called self-anchored
suspension bridges, quite literally freestanding,
not anchored into the ground.
Their chain-cables are tied into the
ends of the arched beams that support
the roadway, creating a self-supporting
tension/compression unit. Thus there is
no heavy anchorage or abutment.20
Roebling’s design, by contrast, was
dependent on support from heavy cast-iron
and masonry anchorages. The cables
themselves did not extend below ground
because corrosion was a constant concern.
Instead, each cable was attached to
a cast-iron anchor chain that followed a
curved path below ground to tie into a
six-foot square anchor plate which was
covered by “700 perches of masonry.” A
“perch” in a 1913 version of Webster’s
dictionary is given various definitions
from 22 to 25 cubic feet of stone, calculated
to be twice the total mass needed
to resist the greatest possible stress ever
to be applied, including the weight of
the cables themselves (110 tons), the
wooden structure (975 tons), the water
(2,100 tons), and the canal boats.21 Of
course, the vast majority of that load is
carried down into the ground through the
cast-iron saddles on the top of the seven
stone piers, not transmitted horizontally
through the cables into the anchorages.
Interestingly, at this point in engineering
parlance, the word “strain” was used for
“stress.”
THE MATERIALS AND CONSTRUCTION OF THE AQUEDUCT
It is particularly interesting from a
materials point of view to look at the
components of the Roebling patents cited
here.11,13 The “sheaves” or pulleys are
made of “wood” or “wood very light.”
The groove in the pulley is “made” (presumably
this means lined) with “sheet
tin.” Although the endless rope could
be made of “hemp, a wire rope, which
would not stretch, is much preferable.”
The suspending arm for carrying the
wire across the river, made of “wood or
iron,” is attached to the rope by means
of “twine.” The attachment of the arm
to the guide rolled is made with “inch
pine board.” The whole device is driven
by a horse turning a vertical shaft. To
pull the wire in one direction, the horse
goes clockwise, the other direction,
counter-clockwise . . . no gears!
Roebling was extremely cognizant of
the potential for corrosion of the cast-iron
anchor chains. He took pride in designing
the materials of the system to avoid
this. The anchor chains were painted
with red lead, and then embedded in and
surrounded by cement. The masonry was
sealed with cement and “common lime
mortar.” The preservation of bars of the
anchor chains was “rendered more certain
by the known quality of calcareous
cements to prevent oxidation. If moisture
should find its way in to the chains, it will
be saturated with lime and add another
calcareous coating to the iron.” In addition,
he stressed that oak beams in the
anchorage were not to come in contact
with the cast iron, as the tannic acid in
the oak would have promoted corrosion.
So pine was always the only wood to
touch the anchor chains.17
The “trunk” of the structure was
attached to the cables through a series
of threaded U-shaped iron rods, bolted
through the timbers. Wire ropes were not
used for this purpose, although rope was
so used in many other bridges at other
sites. The beams of the structure were of
white pine, whereas some of the decking
was white oak. The pine beams were up
to 27 feet long and 6 inches × 16 inches
in cross section.
Because of the newness of suspension
construction in the civil engineering
field, numerous questions were raised
in public to cast doubt on the safety and
reliability of the aqueduct. Roebling
was nothing if not conservative as an
engineer. He calculated and then in
some cases actually demonstrated that
the structure could stand alone if the
wooden part of one or more of the seven
spans were consumed by fire; that is, the
aqueduct was not structurally dependent
on the wooden components of the
structure. Roebling was also assuming
that the wooden structure might need to
be replaced at some point in the future
because of deterioration from constant
exposure to the water, just as wooden ships’ hulls have to be replaced. Because
of the conservative design, the removal
of an entire span would not endanger the
rest of the structure.
Summary of Materials
Used in Aqueduct
The aqueduct, records show, used the
following materials: charcoal iron wire;
white pine beams; cast iron anchor chains
and anchor plates; cast iron “pyramids” and saddles; sandstone masonry and
fill rock; mortars and cements; iron
bolts and nuts; tar and pitch; twine and
hemp rope; oil, red lead, and varnish;
water; blacksmiths, smithing tools,
and charcoal; picks and shovels, saws;
grindstone; forged iron pins; block and
tackle; masonry and carpentry tools; and
oak woodwork in anchorages.
THE AQUEDUCT CONSTRUCTION PROCESS
In the spring of 1844, the following
ad appeared in the Pittsburgh Gazette,
the NY Plebian, the Baltimore American,
the Philadelphia Pennsylvanian, the
Boston Post, the Harrisburg Union, and
the Cincinnati Enquirer:
TO ENGINEERS: a premium of $100
will be paid for the best plan and complete
specification of an aqueduct with
wood or iron Trunk, either suspended
or supported, to be constructed on the
piers now standing in the Allegheny
river opposite this city, provided the
same be handed to the Mayor of this City
on or before the 20th of June instant.
For further particulars, apply in person
or by letter to R. Galway, chairman of
Aqueduct Committee.22
Just why the phrase “suspended or supported”
is included in this widely advertised
request for proposals is unknown.
Perhaps Roebling helped write the ad.
But whatever its origin, Roebling’s
suspension design was selected from
among many entries, with a contract
price of $62,000. Roebling’s wire-rope
business was already thriving, quite apart
from its successful application on the
Pennsylvania Mainline Canal. Shipping
interests had immediately recognized its
exceptional value in maritime applications.
But here was a major departure:
Roebling’s expertise would be used
to manufacture a structure rather than
simply a wire rope. It was quite a gamble
for the city council.
On July 30, 1844 the Pennsylvania
Canal Commission approved the design
adopted by Galway’s Aqueduct Committee
of the Pittsburgh City Council.
Roebling presented his specifications
to the commission for final approval
on August 12, 1844. The job was to be
completed by April 1, 1845.2 The job
included removal of the remains of the
demolished prior aqueduct, refurbishing
the old stone piers, and constructing the
new structure. Never having built a major
bridge of any kind before and certainly
never having built a suspension structure,
Roebling now had just eight months to
build his first one with the skeptical eyes
of the city and the state’s engineering
community on him.
Although Roebling was an obsessive
note taker and a scrupulous planner, as far
as we know he did not leave any timelines
or program evaluation review technique
charts for project management on this
job. However, he kept his own punctilious
accounting ledger.23 Many of the details
of project management, personnel, costs,
and financing can be inferred from the
penny-by-penny double-entry accounts
made in this ledger. We know when and
what his suppliers brought to the job, so
assuming a fairly primitive just-in-time
delivery system, we know how the job
proceeded.
One of the most interesting things is
that there was often a three-month gap
between receipt of the merchandise and
payment in full. Evidently Roebling’s
credit in the community was quite
good. A number of employees were
not even paid for their labor for two or
three months, evidence of a high level
of trust . . . or perhaps of a lack of other
employment.
Roebling’s Accounting
Ledger Highlights
The very first entry is September 2,
1844, acknowledging the receipt of two
logs, 50 and 47 feet long from Judge
Warner. The second, on September 8, was
for delivery of one-half dozen spades,
one-quarter dozen shovels, two picks,
and one pair blocks. Imagine the opening
scene at the construction site here. The
canal has been in place up to and past this
point for some eight years already. The
trunk of the canal comes right up to the
edge of the river. The water in the canal
must have been cut off, presumably at locks above and below this point, when
the aqueduct went out in the previous
winter. The seven piers are still standing
in the river, topped with the debris from
the ice jam. The job now is to reconnect
the ends of the canal on both sides of the
river, almost a quarter mile apart. Some
of the first items brought to the site were
the “heavy earth-moving equipment” (the picks, shovels, and spades) and
some means of mechanical advantage
for picking up those heavy logs, beams,
and stones (a pair of blocks).
It may be interesting to note here that
the 300-mile ditch between Pittsburgh
and Philadelphia (i.e., the Mainline
Canal) was said to have been dug
largely by hand by 1,000 Irish men. So
the digging of the very large aqueduct
anchorage holes with picks and shovels
was certainly not something particularly
notable in this day. Fortunately, the aqueduct
site is in the Allegheny’s flood plain,
so the anchorages were dug generally in
unconsolidated alluvium rather than in
the in-place shales and sandstone of the
nearby valley walls.
In short order after that starting point
in September, Roebling received lumber,
cement, posts, hammered links, anchor
chains, and 1,040 feet of oak timber,
importantly including masts, not for
ships but for cranes. Those masts would
become the cranes that would use the
just-delivered pair of blocks for lifting
heavy weights. Evidently, the first order
of business was to have the anchorages
prepared. Those picks and shovels
would dig the holes into which the heavy
anchor plates would be placed, the plates
to which the anchor chains would be
attached and on which the 700 perches
of stone would be placed. But needed
first would be holes in the ground.
In late September, 140 bushels of
cement arrived, delivered by John
Linton.
In early October, pins were delivered
for attaching the cables to the chains.
And soon the stone started arriving. Roebling
had specified that the pier repairs
would be carried out with the “hardest
and best sandstone which can be had
on the Allegheny River about Freeport
(Pennsylvania).”24 James Stewart, of
Allegheny City Quarrying Stone, delivered
loads of stone to both the “Allegheny
anchorage” and the “Pittsburgh side.”
A. Smith of Allegheny delivered 255
perches cut and backing (facing?) stone
for piers and abutments—the equivalent
of almost 300 cubic yards of stone.
Over the period from October 7 to
December 14, Dennis McKelby was
credited with weekly deliveries of stone
totaling 708 perches of building stone,
12 perches of cut stone, and 44 perches
of abutment and pins, all paid for on
account.
William Paul was credited with having
provided 2,063 cubic yards of excavation
on the Allegheny and Pittsburgh sides,
apparently at 10 cents per yard, for he
was paid $206.30. While this work was
done in October and November 1844,
the bill was not fully settled until April
10, 1845.
Starting on October 29, 1844, four
city bonds for $1,000 each were provided
to S.M. Wickersham in beginning
payment for about half of the wire for
the cables. Ultimately, 104,000 pounds
of #10 wire and 6,725.5 pounds of #14
wire were delivered by him at a cost of
approximately $11,000.
Another vital page in the ledger is
devoted to R. Townsend and Co.—suppliers
of the other half of the necessary
wire for making the cables. The first
entries here are two debits starting
on October 30 for a total of $8,000.
Townsend delivered 100,246.5 pounds
of #10 wire, 3,440 pounds of #14, 150
pounds of #22, and 50 pounds of #13
rivets, for a total of $10,566.44, almost
the same amount of wire and the same
amount of money as for S.M. Wickersham,
listed previously. Perhaps Roebling
was being cautious, maintaining
two suppliers for this vital ingredient in
the project.
One of the most interesting pages in the ledger is headed “Acct with the
City.” This page lists a debit of $62,000
on October 26 and bonds for varying
amounts credited between then and
September 19, 1845, totaling $60,000.
Roebling started paying for his wire some
three days after these bonds began being
issued.
By December, heavy timbers began
arriving: 260 beams 27 feet long were
brought to the site, paid for by a check
on the Merchants and Manufacturers
Bank to Sam Frandin, Timber Contractor.
These were to be the transverse beams
that supported the trunk of the aqueduct.
The beams were cut to order for length,
but still had to be worked for use in the
structure, as described in the following
specification submitted to the Canal
Commissioners: “The beams will be 27
feet long, 6 × 16 inches, and are to be
arranged in pairs, at a distance of 4 feet
from centre to centre of pair, each 2 beams
to have a space of 4 inches between for
the reception of the dovetailed tenons of
the posts. The stringers at the corners of
the trunk to be 15 inches × 7 inches, rabbited
inside for the reception of the first
bottom course (of planks) and notched
below 4 inches deep, for letting the beams
in.”19
Ultimately, about 500,000 “BM”
(board measure?= board feet?) of timber
were to be used in the aqueduct. About
this same time, one grindstone was
delivered, a device not present on many
construction sites today. It was vital in
both making parts and keeping tools in
working condition.
On December 21, 740 bushels of
lime were delivered, indicating that the
mortar and cement were being prepared
for sealing the anchorages and grouting
the piers. Henry Anshutz was paid in
December for patterns and castings for
the cast-iron saddles to crown the seven
piers and support the cables; they had to
be in place before the cables would be
started.
On January 3, 1845, 160 gallons of
linseed oil were delivered, a sign that
the cables were being spun. The cables
had to be in place before the wooden
structure could be begun, since the cables
were designed to support the structure.
On February 7, Isaac Claus delivered
3,200 pounds of thread for caulking the
trunk of the aqueduct to make it water
tight. About three months remained until
the contract deadline. The cables must
have been completed or almost so.
As a side note, consider this: in the
previous winter a wooden aqueduct built
on these same piers had been wiped out
by an ice jam. The new aqueduct was
not designed to have significantly greater
clearance over the water than the old one.
Ice was (and still is) a fairly common
feature on the Allegheny River.
Now the construction crew was
required to be out on the river stringing
wire 3,800 times, back and forth, to create
two 7-inch cables 1,100 feet long, each
with 1,900 wires in them. The timbers
were said to be put into place in the
structure from underneath, presumably
picked up by cranes from above off the
boats.
The timbers were fixed in place with
wrought-iron spikes. One line at the end
of the entries in the “Table of Aquaduct
(sic) Exp(enses)” lists “Boats, Cranes,
and River Exp.” at $1,000,23 which comes
to about 1.6% of the total cost of the job.
In the author’s estimate, although only a
small percentage of the total monetary
cost, this was one of the key challenges
in the whole job: doing the river work in
the winter time. It would be extremely
interesting to know just how this was
done—for example, if any of this work
was handled by steam boats or if cable
ferries were used.
The timing is fitting together here. On
February 24, 1,070 screw bolts and nuts
were delivered. These were for fastening the suspension rods through the beams.
In mid-March, 196 rods were delivered.
These apparently were to be fashioned
into the suspension rods.
Rope, cords, and twine were brought
in February by James Rowley, followed
in April by 24 barrels of pitch. In late
February, 70 pounds of coal tar were
delivered from the City Gas Works,
probably a by-product of making “town
gas” from coal—the same process used
in Britain until the 1970s when natural
gas became available from the North
Sea. The tar was used for sealing parts
of the anchor chains and cable.
One of the last bills is for the caulker
who probably used the caulking twine
and the pitch to do his job. Also in
late March is a substantial bill for the
blacksmith and the cost of keeping three
smithing fires going for 200 days. The
smiths were also responsible for using
the grindstone noted earlier to keep
woodworking tools sharp. Also near the
end of the list is the cost of six wrapping
machines to wrap the cables according to
the 1843 Roebling patent. The job was
almost done.
OPENING OF THE NEW AQUEDUCT
On April 23, 1845, the editor of the
Pittsburgh Daily Gazette happened to
be walking in the neighborhood of the
aqueduct and was surprised to find it
nearly complete. The second layer of
planking on the floor of the trunk was
down on two of the seven spans and a
clear idea could be gained about what
the structure would look like. The editor
commented that in the press of other
events, the aqueduct had almost been
forgotten by the public.
Most important of those “other events”
had been a catastrophic fire in the downtown
Pittsburgh area that had destroyed
1,100 buildings, including most of the
public offices, the major hotels, many
factories, and most of the city’s warehouses.
It was a disaster of major proportions.
It took out the important covered
wooden bridge across the Monongahela
River at Smithfield Street. Roebling got
the contract to replace it as a suspension
structure before the aqueduct was even
finished.
On May 5, the paper carried a notice
of the near-completion of this “noble
structure.” The only thing holding up
progress on the project was the difficulty
obtaining workmen to complete the
“calking” (sic) of the trunk. There were
25 men already working at that job.
On Thursday, May 22, the first trial
introduction of water into the trunk was
attempted to check for leaks. Remaining
leaks were closed and the trunk was
finally filled. A collective sigh of relief
was heard as the 2,100 tons of water
poured into the structure and it held
under the load. A band was in attendance,
playing late into the evening, and a large
crowd of people milled about to see the
show. The job was complete. Soon canal
boats resumed bringing the precious
freight into downtown Pittsburgh after
over a year of interruption.
Roebling’s ledger shows that the total
cost of the aqueduct was $58,297. The
paper noted that Roebling was reputed
to have made little or nothing for all his
effort, but commented that “. . . he has
erected a work which will secure him a
high reputation, and eventually an ample
return in a pecuniary sense. His next
contract is for the Monongahela Bridge,
which is also on the Wire Suspension
plan, and we hope he will have ‘room and
verge enough’ to construct a handsome
thoroughfare across that stream.”25
That surely happened, as shown in
Figure 5. The next 20 years or so were
spent piling one engineering achievement
upon another, climaxing with
his design of the Brooklyn Bridge. An
accident led to his death from lockjaw
before he could complete that job, but his
son took over to fulfill his father’s plans
and assure the family a major place in
bridge-building history. But it all started
right here in Pittsburgh.
REFERENCES
1. J.A. Roebling, English translation of letter to German
friends and family (© 1832), published in WPA Hist.
Mag., 18 (2) (1935), pp. 73–108.
2. H.M. Cummings, PA Board of Canal Commissioners’
Records w/Allied Records of Canals Chartered by
Commonwealth (1959), PA State Archives, Harrisburg,
PA, Series 17-516, 17-517, 17-519.
3. Pittsburgh Gazette (July–August 1844), archives of
the Historical Society of Western PA, microfilm (1844).
4. J.A. Roebling, “Report to the President and Board
of Directors of the Covington and Cincinnati Bridge
Company,” privately published (1 April 1867), passim,
see esp. pp. 47–53. Available at Rutgers University
Roebling Family Archives, Newark, NJ, microfilm reel
8.
5. David Denenberg, Mostly Suspension Bridges (2005),
www.bridgemeister.com/list.php?type=full&page=1.
6. D.B. Steinman, Builders of the Bridge (New York:
Harcourt Brace, 1945), p. 456.
7. R.M Vogel, Roebling’s Delaware and Hudson Canal
Aqueducts (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Studies in
History and Technology, Smithsonian Institution Press,
1971).
8. J.M. Riddle, “The Pittsburgh directory for 1815:
containing the names, professions and residence of
the heads of families and persons in business in the
borough of Pittsburgh; with an appendix containing
a variety of useful information,” printed for James M.
Riddle, compiler and publisher (Pittsburgh, PA, 1815).
9. S. Jones, “Pittsburgh in the year eighteen hundred
and twenty six: containing sketches topographical,
historical and statistical; together with a directory of the
city,” (Johnston and Stockton: Pittsburgh, PA, 1826).
10. Isaac Harris, “Harris’ Pittsburgh business directory
for the year 1837; including the names of all the
merchants, manufacturers, mechanics, professional
and men of business of Pittsburgh and its vicinity”
(Pittsburgh, PA, 1837).
11. J.A. Roebling, “Method of and Machine for
Manufacturing Wire Rope,” U.S. patent 2720 (1842).
12. J.A. Roebling, “Specifications of Delaware and
Hudson Canal Company Aqueduct,” Rennselaer
Polytechnic Institute (RPI) Roebling Collections, Troy,
New York, box 10, folder 6 (date uncertain).
13. J.A. Roebling, “Apparatus for Passing Suspension-Wires for Bridges across Rivers,” U.S. patent 4745
(1847).
14. W.A Roebling, “The Early History of Saxonburg”
(1926), Report for Centenary Celebration Committee,
Saxonburg, PA, available Saxonburg Borough Library.
15. J.A. Roebling, “Specifications” (27 March, 1841)
Patent Application for “New and Improved Mode of
Manufacturing Wire Ropes” (patent not granted—
perhaps not submitted), Rutgers University, Alexander
Library, Roebling Family Archives, Newark, NJ, MS
Box, folder 1 microfilm reel 7.
16. J.A. Roebling, “Notes on Suspension Bridges,”
unpublished; RPI archives, Roebling Sci-Tech
#326,Troy, NY (date uncertain).
17. J.A. Roebling, “The Wire Suspension Aqueduct
over the Allegheny River at Pittsburgh,” Journal of the
Franklin Institute, 3rd Series, X (Nov. 1845) (5), pp.
306–309.
18. J.A. Roebling, “American Manufacture of Wire
Ropes for Inclined Planes, Standing Rigging,
Mines, Tillers, Etc.,” American Railroad Journal and
Mechanics’ Magazine, Third Series 1 (11) (1843), pp. 321–324.
19. J.A Roebling, RPI Roebling Collections, Troy, NY,
book 39, box 14.
20. B.S. Criddlebaugh, website organized and
posted by Bruce S. Criddlebaugh providing historical
and technical data on “The Bridges and Tunnels
of Allegheny County, PA,” http://pghbridges.com/pittsburghW/0584-4477/ninth_st_br.htm.
21. J.A. Roebling, Table of Quantities on Pittsburgh
Aqueduct, RPI Roebling Collections, Troy, NY, box 17,
folder 120 (1845), pp. 1–4.
22. “Public Announcement of Request for Designs for
Aqueduct,” Pittsburgh Gazette (1844) RPI Roebling
Collections, Troy, NY, box 10, folder 2.
23. J.A Roebling, Pittsburgh Aquaduct (sic) ledger,
Microfilm Reel 9, MS box 7, Rutgers University,
Alexander Library, Roebling Family Archives, Newark,
NJ (1844–1945).
24. J.A. Roebling, “Specifications,” papers in the
Archives of the PA Board of Canal Commissioners
records (see Reference 2) (1844).
25. “The New Wire Suspension Aqueduct,” Pittsburgh
Daily Gazette (May 24, 1845), p. 2.
For more information, contact Donald L. Gibbon,
MATCO Associates, P.O. Box 15580, Pittsburgh, PA 15244; e-mail donald.gibbon@matcoinc.com.
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