The demise of the Roman Empire
during the mid-fifth century A.D. resulted in the rise of one of Europe’s longest
ruling families of the Middle Ages: the Merovingians. The Merovingian dynasty
lasted from the mid-fifth to the mid-eighth centuries A.D. and at its height controlled
states that stretched across France, Belgium, Germany west of the Rhineland,
and most of Switzerland. Archaeometallurgists used to believe that the state
of metalworking technology declined after the demise of the Roman Empire.
To assess the level of sophistication of metalworking during this period, a set of
36 iron tools and weapons were metallurgically sampled and examined. For
comparison, 11 Iron Age, three Roman, and four medieval iron artifacts from the
same region were also sampled.
INTRODUCTION
Archaeometallurgists used to believe
that the state of metalworking technology, including blacksmithing, declined
after the demise of the Roman Empire and the invasion of the marauding “barbarian” tribes. As Smith and Forbes stated: “The fall of the Roman Empire
was heralded by a gradual decline of central authority and consequently by a
decline of metallurgy and mining.”1
To assess the level of sophistication of metalworking during this period, a set of
36 iron tools and weapons were metallurgically sampled and examined from the
second largest collection of Merovingian artifacts in the United States, which is
in the possession of the William R. and Clarice V. Spurlock Museum of the University
of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign. For comparison, 11 Iron Age, three
Roman, and four medieval iron artifacts from the Spurlock Museum’s collection
from the same region were also sampled. The museum obtained the Merovingian
assemblage in 1924. (See the sidebar for details on the Merovingian dynasty.) It
supposedly originated from Butte des Gargans, which was a burial mound near
Houdan, France, and was recovered by Auguste Moutié between 1832 and 1838.
The artifacts sampled were examined using optical microscopy and electron
microprobe analysis.
THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY
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The deposition of Romulus Augustulus in 476 A.D. signaled the beginning of the end of
the Roman Empire. After nearly 500 years of Mediterranean-based rule, the empire that
at its height controlled nearly all of the known world at the time was collapsing. Rome’s
demise, however, resulted in the rise of one of Europe’s longest-ruling families of the
Middle Ages: the Merovingians. The Merovingian dynasty lasted from the mid-fifth to
the mid-eighth centuries A.D. At its height, members of the Merovingian family controlled
states that stretched across the geographically and culturally diverse areas of France,
Belgium, Germany west of the Rhineland, and most of Switzerland (Figure A). Although
the Merovingians ruled Europe until their eclipse by the Carolingians in 751, their dynasty
is clouded in the annals of history.
The first half of the fifth century was marked by strife within the Roman Empire.
Historic evidence indicates that foreign tribes were invading the Roman frontier, that
Rome was in the midst of civil wars, and that Imperial legions were rarely seen in central
Europe after the first decade of the fifth century A.D. The strife in Rome limited the
empire’s ability to respond to incursions and thus forced it to negotiate treaties with the
invaders in the vain hope of shoring up its defenses.
The archaeological evidence suggests that an even more dramatic social, political, and
religious upheaval was occurring during this period in northern Europe. Excavations
revealed a significant decrease in cities, towns, and villas and a sudden shift in burial
practices to large, linear, inhumation cemeteries, called Reihengräber, that contained rich
gravegood assemblages, including weapons, tools, and personal adornments.2
The Merovingian dynasty appeared late in this murky period of crisis. The first mention
of Merovingian rulers in the Liber Historia Francorium (ca. 727) is the defeat of Chlodio
in 448, suggesting that the family was not significant until the second half of the fifth
century A.D. Chlodio was the father of Merovich, who was the legendary founder of the
dynasty. Lore has it that Merovich was conceived when Chlodio’s wife encountered a sea
monster, called a Quinotaur, while swimming. It appears that the Merovingian family
itself propagated this legend in order to infuse their rule with supernatural power.
The Merovingian empire was consolidated under Clovis in approximately 506. After
his death in 511, the kingdom was equally divided among his four sons. These kingdoms
thereafter became hereditary, agrarian-based, semi-independent states. The kings’ powers
were based on battle, and their wealth resulted from the spoils of war and taxes. Each
kingship was supported by “lendes,” or hereditary strongmen, who helped defend the
kingdoms from internal and external threats and were rewarded with land or tax revenues.
Major power struggles were constantly flaring among these kingships throughout the
Merovingian dynasty, with family members regularly at each other’s throats.
The Catholic church played an increasingly important role in the dynasty after 496,
when Clovis and 3,000 of his troops converted to Christianity. Church life was illustrious
during the Merovingians’ reign, producing a long line of saints and martyrs and laying
the groundwork for the western European monastic tradition. In addition to their religious
duties, many of the bishops also possessed major civil powers, sometimes even rivaling
those of the kings.
The Merovingian dynasty began to wane in the early eighth century and finally
collapsed in 756 with the deposition of Childeric III, who was replaced by the first
Carolingian king, Pepin the Short. The family continued to be influential long after its
demise, however. Representatives of the Merovingian family retained their royal titles in
the late eighth century, and the Carolingian family married into the lineage in order to add
legitimacy to their ascendancy and limit opposition.
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RESULTS OF
METALLURGICAL ANALYSIS
Of the 60 artifacts sampled, 52 contained
sufficient sound metal to permit
metallurgical analysis. The objects
examined consisted of seven swords, 14
spearheads, 11 axes, seven daggers, three
arrowheads, five nails, three buckles, one
shield boss, one pair of tweezers, and one
link of chain mail. Following standard
metallographic procedure, small portions
of the edges of each artifact were
removed and mounted in thermosetting
resin. The samples were then polished
and etched with a 2% nital solution. The
results of the metallurgical analyses are
presented by artifact type.
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"The large, high-carbon spearhead was
intricately produced by the forge-welding
together of thin strips of carburized
iron." |
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Spearheads
The ten spearheads of Merovingian
date were of two types: a smaller variety
that measured approximately 13–28 cm
long (artifact numbers 1924.02.0029,
0031, 0301, 0413, 0416, 0419, and
0024) and a larger type that measured
38–51 cm long (1924.02.0414, 0412,
and 0012; Figure 1). The manufacturing
techniques for both varieties, with one
exception, turned out to be similar. The
carbon content of the spearheads ranged
from none to 0.3%, with only one of the
large spearheads revealing patches of up
to 0.7% carbon (1924.02.0412). Seven
spearheads were almost pure ferrite
(1924.02.0414, 0012, 0031, 0301, 0413,
0416, and 0024), and one of these had a
slightly flattened grain structure indicative
of cold-working (1924.02.0301). In
general, these spearheads were forged
at a high temperature, at least 900°C,
and allowed to air cool. The remaining
three spearheads (1924.02.0412,
0029, and 0419) displayed a mixture
of ferrite and pearlite, with no signs of
the application of quench-hardening.
The large, high-carbon spearhead was
intricately produced by the forge-welding
together of thin strips of carburized
iron (1924.02.0412; Figure 2). The
carbon content was greater at the edges
than in the middle, and it possessed a
uniform ferrite/pearlite piled structure
and unusually small grains, indicative of
the deliberate use of carburized metal.
The only distinguishable difference
between the two Merovingian spearhead
types is in the phosphorus contents.
Microbe analysis revealed that the three
large spearheads were predominantly
made from low-phosphorus iron, with
only one having a phosphorus concentration in excess of 0.080% (i.e., 0.085%).
Four of the seven small spearheads,
however, were made from phosphoric
iron (1924.02.301; Figure 3), with a fifth
small spearhead having a concentration
of 0.078%. The average phosphorus
concentration for the large spearheads
was thus 0.055%, while the phosphorus
concentration of the small spearheads
was 0.140%.
The hardnesses for the Merovingian
artifacts ranged from 93.5 Hv to 248
Hv. The consistent relative softness
of these spearheads would suggest
that either resilience was preferred to
hardness for spearheads or the artifacts
were not deemed sufficiently worthy of
the application of advanced hardening
techniques.
Of the other spearheads sampled, only
one could be attributed to a particular
period (1924.02.0030). It was a small
spearhead from Roman times and had
a pure ferritic structure, a hardness of
120.8 Hv, and a phosphorus concentration
of 0.097%. Its type, grain structure,
hardness, and phosphorus concentration
thus parallels the small spearheads of the
Merovingian period.
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"The wide variation in the application
of advanced hardening processes
for the Merovingian swords indicates
an acceptance of variable performance
characteristics for these weapons." |
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Swords and Daggers
The three Merovingian swords
(1924.02.0011, 0256, and 0254) and the
one Merovingian dagger (1924.02.0014;
Figure 4) sampled revealed very heterogeneous
and complex metallurgical
structures, with carbon contents
ranging from none to 0.7% and one
having been quenched. The two swords
(1924.02.0256 and 0254) with low
carbon contents (i.e., 0–0.3%) were
ferrite with varying amounts of pearlite.
The high-carbon dagger (1924.02.0014)
had a bainitic grain structure, indicative
of quenching. Unfortunately, it had been
subjected to such severe tempering that
the martensite had broken down and the
hardness reduced to 288.9 Hv. Just one
sword (1924.02.0254) had a high phosphorus
content, although it was 0.081%
phosphorus. It also had a low carbon
content and showed signs of piling.
The wide variation in the application
of advanced hardening processes
for the Merovingian swords indicates
an acceptance of variable performance
characteristics for these weapons. The
overall lower phosphorus contents,
however, might suggest that Merovingian
blacksmiths were deliberately selecting
this type of material for the production
of prestige weapons.
The four other swords sampled
were of Iron Age date and revealed
similar heterogeneity and complexity
(1922.07.0026, 1924.02.0309, 0310,
and 0311). The one sword with a low
carbon content (i.e., 0.2%) was ferrite
with varying amounts of pearlite
(1922.07.0026). Two of the three swords
(1924.02.0310 and 0311) with higher
carbon contents (i.e., 0.5%) displayed a
banded, ferrite/pearlite structure indicative
of piling and air cooling after having
been raised to temperatures in excess of
900ºC. These two artifacts had an average
hardness of 257.8 Hv. One of these
swords also possessed a high phosphorus
content (1924.02.0311). The remaining
high-carbon sword (1924.02.0309)
was a clearly superior weapon, with a
martensitic grain structure indicative
of quenching and a hardness of 711 Hv
(Figure 5). It showed no evidence of
piling.
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"As
with the swords, there seems to have been
an acceptance during the Merovingian
period of variable performance characteristics
for these tools and weapons. " |
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Axes
The seven axes sampled of possible
Merovingian date belonged to two categories:
three were belt axes for general
use (1924.02.0026, 0027 (Figure 6), and
0315) and four were woodworking axes
(1924.02.0408, 0312, 0410, and 0411). These artifacts displayed a similar range
of heterogeneity and complexity as the
swords, with carbon contents ranging
from low to 0.7% and evidence of the
limited use of quenching. The Hv numbers
are more evenly distributed than
for the swords, however, with two of
the woodworking axes in the 300-400
Hv range (1924.02.0312 and 0410),
one belt axe in the 200–300 Hv range
(1924.02.0026), and four (i.e., two belt
axes and two woodworking types) in the
100–200 Hv range (1924.02.0027; 0408;
0315; and 0411). One of the low-carbon
axes (1924.02.0315) revealed some
spheroidization (Figure 7), indicative
of over-heating during forging. Two of
the ferrite/pearlite axes (1924.02.0027
and 0408) showed signs of piling, and
all but two revealed a uniform carbon
distribution across the sample. The two
exceptions could have been carburized
after forging. One of the woodworking
axes (1924.02.0312) revealed a martensitic
structure indicative of quench
hardening. The phosphorus contents
for the two categories of axes revealed
similar phosphorus contents, with only
one of the three belt axes having high
phosphorus concentrations and just one
of the four woodworking axes having
been made from phosphoric material. As
with the swords, there seems to have been
an acceptance during the Merovingian
period of variable performance characteristics
for these tools and weapons.
Of the other axes sampled, only
two could be attributed to a particular
period. The two Iron Age “battle” axes sampled displayed similar diversity
to the Merovingian artifacts. One
(1924.02.0025) revealed a carbon concentration
of 0.2% and a hardness of
166.4 Hv. The other (1924.02.0028) displayed
a high carbon content, a bainitic
grain structure indicative of quench
hardening (Figure 8), and a hardness of
340.7 Hv. Both axes were made from
non-phosphoric material.
Other Merovingian Artifacts
The three nails, three buckles, one
hoe, one pair of tweezers, and three
arrowheads of possible Merovingian
date that were sampled were found to be
largely ferritic, with only one arrowhead
having a carbon content of 0.5%. The
objects were also predominantly made
of phosphoric iron, ranging as high as 0.555% phosphorus. Just two arrowheads
(1924.02.0308 and 0306) and one buckle
[1924.02.0067(b)] had low phosphorus
contents, with one of the arrowheads
measuring 0.071% phosphorus and the
buckle measuring 0.079% phosphorus.
Other Non-Merovingian Artifacts
Four additional Iron Age artifacts were
sampled: one spike and three blades. The
spike (1924.02.0285) possessed a pure
ferritic grain structure and a phosphorus
concentration of 0.489%. The blades
(1924.02.0297, 0303, and 0299) revealed
more complex structures. All had low
phosphorus concentrations and carbon
contents between 0.4% and 0.8%. Two
of the blades possessed carbon concentrations
of 0.8%; martensitic grain
structures, indicative of quench hardening;
and hardnesses in the 500–600 Hv
range. There was no evidence of piling
in any of the Iron Age artifacts.
The one other Roman artifact sampled
was a shield boss (1924.02.008). The
artifact had a phosphorus concentration
of 0.118%, a carbon concentration of
0.2%, and a hardness of 179.8%.
The additional medieval artifacts sampled
consisted of one link from a piece
of chain mail and three blades. The link
of chain mail (1924.02.0295) revealed
a purely ferritic structure with evidence
of excessive cold-working (Figure 9).
Its hardness measured 196 Hv, and it
could have been made from drawn iron
wire. Its phosphorus concentration was
0.130%, which is interesting because
phosphoric iron was preferentially used
for drawing harpsichord wire during the
17th and 18th centuries, since the higher
phosphorus content would increase hardness
while easing production.3 This link
of chain mail might therefore suggest
that the preferential use of phosphoric
material for drawing wire predated the
17th century.
The three medieval blades again
showed a range of structures and
properties. Two (1917.05.0019 and
0021) were almost pure ferrite—one of
which revealed considerable cold-working—
and both had hardnesses in the
100–200 Hv range. The remaining blade
(1917.05.0020) possessed a carbon concentration
of 0.7%; a martensitic grain
structure, again indicative of quenching;
and a hardness of 597.5 Hv. No evidence
of piling was visible in any of the artifacts.
The two pure ferrite blades were made
from phosphoric material.
CONCLUSIONS
The Merovingian artifacts display a
remarkable variation in hardness, metallurgical
treatment, and, hence, resulting
performance. In almost every class of
tool and weapon, some of the artifacts
showed the use of advanced heat treatments
while others were left as pure ferrite.
The knowledge of how to carburize
and quench bloomery iron was thus
clearly available but was by no means
always—or even frequently—applied.
The use of carburization and quenching
does not appear to be any more
consistent during the Iron Age, Roman,
and medieval periods, however, based on
the other artifacts sampled. The same
variation in the application of advanced
metallurgical techniques can be seen in
these artifacts as well. Although scholars
have tended to assume that Roman smiths
should have displayed an industrial
level of consistency in accord with their
industrial level of production, studies of
Roman-period edged tools in the British
Isles have shown that the production of
steel was by no means any more consistent
than during the Iron Age.4 This fact
has led many archaeologists to wonder
whether the use of advanced techniques
was limited by social (e.g., the technique
was kept proprietary by master smiths), tactical (e.g., preference for a moderately
hard and consistent steel to a brittler and
perhaps unpredictable quenched steel),
or economic (e.g., quenched artifacts
were of higher value and therefore rarer,
especially in gravegoods) reasons.
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"The smiths also seemed sufficiently sophisticated to be able to consistently select low-phosphorus iron for those artifacts that were to be subjected to advanced heat treatments and the naturally harder phosphoric material for those artifacts that would not." |
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The only consistency discovered
among the Merovingian artifacts sampled
was that the more commonplace
and less technologically sophisticated
artifacts (i.e., nails, buckles, hoe,
tweezers, arrowheads, and smaller
spearheads) were generally made from
phosphoric iron, while the more technically
sophisticated and valuable items
(i.e., swords, daggers, axes, and large
spearheads) were generally made from
low phosphorus material. The average
phosphorus contents were 0.071% for
the more intricate artifacts and 0.186%
for the less complex artifacts. The data
suggest that Merovingian blacksmiths
were preferentially selecting phosphoric
iron for those artifacts that were less
likely to be carburized and quenched,
which would be a metallurgically sound
practice. Phosphorus concentrations in
excess of 0.080% restrict the diffusion
of carbon in iron and thus make it more
difficult to produce an even carbon distribution.
Smiths therefore should have
avoided it for those artifacts that they
planned to heat treat.
High phosphorus concentrations,
however, can also have beneficial effects
on the properties of ferritic metal.
Although grain boundary segregation of
phosphorus may reduce grain boundary
cohesion and thus make the material cold
short, intragranular concentrations of
phosphorus help pin dislocation movement
in iron and therefore make the
metal naturally harder.5 Phosphoric iron
actually appears to have been deliberately
selected during the late Iron Age for its
natural hardness, when knowledge of
advanced heat treatments was less widely available.6 With the spread of advanced
heat treatments, however, blacksmiths
may have come to realize the unsuitability
of high-phosphorus material
for technically sophisticated tools and
weapons and limited its use to those
objects that were not to be subjected to
heat treatment.
So what does this preliminary study
show of the differences between the
Merovingian iron industry and those of
the Iron Age, Roman, and medieval periods?
It is not in quality. Some Merovingian
smiths were obviously capable of
excellent work. The smiths also seemed
sufficiently sophisticated to be able to
consistently select low-phosphorus iron
for those artifacts that were to be subjected
to advanced heat treatments and
the naturally harder phosphoric material
for those artifacts that would not. It is
with the production of cutting edges that
consistency appears to be lost.
There is insufficient evidence, however,
to determine whether the smiths
actually wanted to consistently produce
hardened swords, daggers, and axes, and
frequently failed out of incompetence,
or if the smiths knew precisely what
properties were desired by the eventual
user and made the artifacts accordingly.
Purely economic considerations could
easily have accounted for the differences.
Heat-treated artifacts were undoubtedly
more valuable and thus could be afforded
by only wealthier patrons, whereas
phosphoric, non-quenched artifacts
were cheaper and thus were the main
types available to the general population.
Economic considerations could be pronounced
for grave goods, when burying
versus bequeathing a sword—especially
a technologically advanced one—would
have been a tremendous loss for any but
the wealthiest of individuals. Larger
numbers of artifacts need to be sampled
and analyzed, however, before any conclusions
can be reached.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors are extremely grateful to
Professor Wendell S. Williams, former
director of the Program on Ancient Technologies
and Archaeological Materials
at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and Dr. Lambertus van
Zelst, former director of the Smithsonian
Center for Materials Research and Education,
for supporting this research. The
authors also thank Douglas J. Brewer,
the director of the William R. and Clarice
V. Spurlock Museum at the University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, and
Bonnie Bohen, the former director of the
World Heritage Museum at the University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, for
allowing the sampling and analysis of
the artifacts and the publication of this
article. Finally, Ardeth Abrams deserves
special gratitude for her renditions of the
artifacts sampled. The metallographic
and microprobe analyses were conducted
in the Frederick Seitz Materials Research
Laboratory, University of Illinois at
Urbana-Champaign; Museum Applied
Science Center for Archaeology, University
of Pennsylvania; and the Smithsonian
Center for Materials Research and
Education.
REFERENCES
1. Herman Ament, The Northern World, by D.M. Wilson
(New York: Thames and Hudson, Ltd., 1980), p. 64.
2. F. Habashi, editor, A History of Metallurgy (Quebec: Laval University; reprinted from A History of
Technology, by permission of Oxford University Press,
1994), p. 69.
3. Martha Goodway, Science, 236 (1987), p. 932.
4. Robert M. Ehrenreich, Heterarchy and the Analysis
of Complex Societies, ed. R.M. Ehrenreich, C.E.
Crumley, and J. Levy (Washington, D.C.: American
Anthropological Association, 1995), pp. 33–39.
5. Alain E. Kaloyeros and Robert M. Ehrenreich,
Materials Research Society Symposium Proceedings,
volume 185 (Warrendale, PA: Materials Research
Society, 1991), p. 729.
6. Robert M. Ehrenreich, Trade, Technology, and the
Ironworking Community in the Iron Age of Southern
Britain, BAR British Series 144 (Oxford, U.K.:
Archaeopress, 1985).
Robert M. Ehrenreich is with the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, in Washington, D.C. Elizabeth Hamilton is with the Asian Section and Samuel K. Nash is with MASCA at the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
For more information, contact Robert M. Ehrenreich,
Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies, United
States Holocaust Memorial Museum, Washington,
D.C.; e-mail rehrenreich@ushmm.org. |